Potential profits big enough to justify a massive lawsuit: 6 things you should know about the Cambie trial : Policy Note

At the heart of the case is whether patients have a constitutional right to pay for their medically necessary treatment in private surgery centres, thus bypassing long waits for many non-emergency operations in the public system.The trial before Justice John Steeves began September 6, 2016 and is scheduled to last at least four months with evidence from nearly 200 witnesses.

By Dr. Vanessa Brcic    http://www.policynote.ca

September 8, 2016

The biggest constitutional trial “perhaps ever” in Canada is now in court. The future of our publicly funded health care system is at stake.

Putting Canadian Medicare on trial is complex, and vulnerable to the blatantly false and simplistic messaging that increasing “private care” will take the pressure off public wait lists, increase patient choice, and foster competition and innovation. Sounds nice, doesn’t it?

I want to break it down to a few key points so you can be equipped to follow these important legal proceedings, and more importantly, so you can build on this opportunity to speak up—loudly—for real health care reform. Now is the right time – we have a federal health minister and government that is carefully listening, and BC politicians vying for your vote next year.

Here’s what you need to know:

 1. This case is not about patient choice. It’s about private profit.

 Quite simply, this case is about the potential for doctors and health insurance companies to make a lot of money by charging patients for medically necessary hospital and physician care. The narrative of patient choice is a convenient smokescreen.

2. This case is not about improving health care service delivery at all. It is about expanding private, for-profit funding for health care.

Want to improve health care? Let’s talk about how we deliver health care services – let’s make them high quality, efficient, cost-effective, coordinated and patient-centred. This trial isn’t about that. It’s about how we pay for health care in Canada.

Dr. Day wants a constitutionally protected right to bill patients, health insurance companies and the government, and any combination thereof – whatever the market will bear. This will allow unrestricted profits for doctors and health insurance companies.

As a nation, do we want patients who can pay to get faster care than those who can’t? The Worker’s Compensation Board’s priority surgical access is an example of a two-tiered system that already exists (with its own big problems). Do we want more or less of this? In times of health crises, do we want more patients to have to choose whether they can afford to pay out of pocket for care, or insurance premiums that are unregulated and increasingly costly?

3. For-profit clinics are not illegal. This case is about expanding the market for these clinics by growing the profitable private health insurance sector.

In BC, doctors can unenroll from the public system and in many circumstances (including the Cambie Surgical Centre) charge patients however much they want for medical care. So why this court case if this is already legal?

Dr. Day has said that only about 10% of the patients at his for-profit surgical centre pay privately – it would be hard to expand this market given rising poverty and income inequality in Canada. However, 90% of the care at Cambie is funded through contracts, including with WCB (workers’ compensation) – this is the market that can be expanded upon, and where there is huge opportunity for profit.

Health care is not fully protected under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which allows foreign investors to sue the Canadian government if any policy denies them opportunity for investment or profit. US investors consider Canadian Medicare “the last great uncracked oyster in the North American marketplace.”

In Canada, private health insurance is unregulated, and for-profit insurance companies that pay for extended benefits like physiotherapy and medications have been increasingly reducing their payouts to plan holders. In the last twenty years, benefits paid to Canadians dropped from 92 cents for every dollar spent on premiums to 74 cents – below the legal “medical loss ratio” (the ratio of profit to paid benefits) in the US. Meanwhile, administrative costs for these companies have tripled. In 2011, Canadians paid $6.8 billion more in private health insurance premiums than they received in benefits.

Exorbitant profits in the health insurance sector in the US are the norm. The US spends 12% of its health budget on administration; Canada spends 1.2%. The US could save hundreds of billions of dollars annually if it moved to a single payer system like ours. It is simply not cost effective for us to move towards a payment system like theirs.

4. In a multi-tiered health care system, patients have less freedom, not more.

If Day wins, the vast majority of patients will have less freedom, not more – not only because they can’t afford the second tier of care, but because wait times will increase in the public system when doctors and nurses are busy working for patients who can pay for faster care.

Working in both publicly and privately funded health care tiers is an ethical slippery slope for doctors with a clear financial incentive to channel patients into a more profitable setting.

We know that American health insurance companies are in charge of what care their planholders can and can’t get reimbursed for. Private health insurance puts power in the hands of the insurance companies more than the patients.

5. Cherry-picking the most profitable elements of European health care systems won’t work.

For hospital and physician care, Canada has a 100% publicly funded (government pays), privately delivered (doctors work independently) system. That makes it hard to compare Canada to health systems that have public delivery systems (like the NHS in the UK). Looking at total health expenditures, many OECD countries also have a higher proportion of publicly funded care (and a higher proportion of spending on social services); many European countries fund pharmacare, home care, dental care, early childhood programs and more.

While private out-of-pocket health care spending in Canada has been increasing (due to pharmaceutical costs, insurance premiums and non-Medicare services), government spending has grown more slowly than inflation and population growth. No wonder Medicare has gaps.

If we want to look more like Europe and save money, we should spend more public dollars on currently uninsured health services like those listed above – we could save billions of dollars annually that could fund more public surgeries and chronic pain care.

6. This lawsuit is a distraction from the real work of health care reform being led by the federal government.

Let’s stop distracting ourselves and talk about efficiency and real care delivery solutions, now that we have a federal government on board and a provincial election next year.

If we truly have in common the desire to advocate for those with poor access, then let’s consider all of the patients who have inadequate access to needed health care services. There are aboriginal women who don’t have access to clean water, birthing care or cervical cancer screening, for example.

Regarding those “suffering and in pain”, access to surgery is distracting us from access to chronic pain care, which is more than surgery. Access to mental health services and non-surgical chronic pain services remain a huge gap in Canadian health care, despite being largely privately funded.

Dr. Day isn’t the only person listening to patient stories of long wait times and difficulty navigating services. But in contrast to doctors being paid privately at Cambie Surgery Centre, we are trying to improve the public system. Let’s stop wasting our time talking about expensive and inefficient funding models and advocate for what we really need: improvement in health care services in Canada.

This case is about how we pay for health care in Canada. What we need is to reform how we deliver care. That is how we will improve patient freedom.

Source: Potential profits big enough to justify a massive lawsuit: 6 things you should know about the Cambie trial : Policy Note

 

An increase so small it keeps B.C. minimum wage workers in poverty : Policy Note

By Iglika Ivanova    http://www.policynote.ca

September 20, 2016

Today, BC’s lowest paid workers get a 40-cent raise. The latest increase of the provincial minimum wage—now $10.85 per hour for most workers isn’t much to celebrate. It works out to an extra $16 per week for someone working full-time – and that doesn’t stretch far in a province with such high cost of living.

In fact, minimum wage workers continue to earn less than the poverty line even if they work full-time 52-weeks a year.

It’s not just minimum wage earners who face the threat of working poverty. Making a dollar or two above than the minimum wage is still a poverty wage for a full-time, full-year worker. Even three dollars above the minimum wage barely clears today’s poverty line for a single person, and falls short of the poverty line for a single parent with one child.

Nearly half a million British Columbians—a quarter of all paid employees in the province—work for $15 or less per hour. And they would all benefit from a $15 minimum wage.

Critics like to argue that the minimum wage doesn’t matter for working poverty because too few people earn exactly the minimum. But they seem to forget that nearly half a million British Columbians—a quarter of all paid employees in the province—work for $15 or less per hour. And they would all benefit from a $15 minimum wage.

Some people mistakenly believe that low-wage jobs are filled mainly by teenagers and youth who work part-time after school, live with their parents, and are on their way to a better-paying job after graduation. But Statistics Canada data reveal a very different reality for the low-wage workforce earning less than $15.

The majority of BC’s low-wage workers are adults between the ages of 25 and 64 (53%). Few are (21%). Most are supporting a household (58%). And most are women (58%). students

The majority of low-wage workers also have full-time jobs (59%), and just over half work for corporations with more than 100 employees.

And while there is some truth to the belief that for youth, low-wage jobs are a stepping stone to higher-paying careers, many low-wage workers over 25 face a real risk of getting stuck in their jobs with little opportunity to earn more. Almost half of BC workers over 25 who earn less than $15 have been in the same job for longer than three years (45%).

Studies also indicate that recent immigrants and persons of colour are likely to be overrepresented among the low-wage workforce.

BC’s economy relies on these workers but it’s failing to provide them with a path out of poverty. The consequences are far reaching: from chronic stress and health problems to poorer school performance for children – and, fundamentally, lost human potential. At the end of the day this isn’t just a problem for low-wage workers and their families – it affects us all.

It’s also why a growing number of cities in the US, including Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles are moving to a $15 minimum wage. Washington DC, New York State and California have also approved gradual increases to reach a $15 minimum wage, and a number of other states are considering similar measures.

Closer to home, Alberta’s provincial government officially passed regulations to raise the minimum wage to $15 by 2018, and is eliminating its lower “liquor servers” wage.

BC’s economy relies on these workers but it’s failing to provide them with a path out of poverty.

Any proposal to increase the minimum wage by any amount seems to be met with dire warnings of massive job losses and impending economic doom. But neither history nor academic research supports these claims.

Just last year, the CCPA published a report by UBC economics professor David Green, whose analysis indicates that the likely impact of a $15 minimum wage on job losses would be much lower than feared. His research found that the overall benefits of meaningfully raising the minimum wage through a series of staged increases would far outweigh the costs.

A $15 minimum wage would significantly boost the income of low-wage workers as a group and, unlike today’s small minimum wage increase, would be enough to lift full-time workers out of poverty.

An often-overlooked benefit of higher minimum wages is that they make low-wage, high-turnover business models more expensive, thus creating incentives for employers to offer better, more stable jobs.

The evidence is clear: sticking with BC’s poverty-level minimum wage just doesn’t make sense.

This piece was originally published in The Province.

Source: An increase so small it keeps minimum wage workers in poverty : Policy Note

The BC economy’s unbalanced and inequitable growth : Policy Note

Jul 22, 2016     By

Skyrocketing property transfer tax revenues have been in the news the past few days, but the bigger story, well-documented in a recent Huffington Post article, is how dependent the entire BC economy is on the unsustainable and socially damaging housing market.

It is instructive to reread the 2012 BC Jobs Plan to see how far the economy has diverged from what was intended.

The core of the Jobs Plan was natural resource development, with more efficient regulatory processes and the pursuit of new markets in Asia. It was, at its core, all about LNG, mining and other resource sectors.

Though well masked by the housing bubble, there clearly is the need for a new economic development strategy in BC.

However Statistics Canada data clearly shows that didn’t take place.

There has been growth in the BC economy over the last four years, but over one quarter of the total growth in BC’s gross domestic product (the standard measure of total output in the economy) has been in real estate services. And real estate services combined with residential construction has accounted for over one third of the entire growth in the economy over the last four years.

Resource industries have made no significant contribution to the growth of the BC economy. Output in agriculture, forestry and fishing has been flat, and in mining and energy there has been a decline in output since the Jobs Plan went into effect.

What we are witnessing is not just unsustainable, but also unbalanced growth. The table below, showing unemployment rates by region in the province, clearly indicates the disparity between regions benefiting from the housing boom and the rest of the province:

  • Unemployment rates in the south coastal region over the last four years have fallen to very low levels, but have increased everywhere else.
  • In the Northeast the rate of unemployment is as high or higher than what Alberta is experiencing.

Unemployment Rates by Region
(Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey)

June 2013 June 2014 June 2015 June 2016
Vancouver Island / Coast 6.3 6.6 6 5.1
Lower Mainland 6.6 5.8 6 5.3
Thompson-Okanagan 6.5 5.7 4.9 7
Kootenay 5.8 6.7 7.3 7.5
Cariboo 5.6 7.1 7.9 7.8
North Coast / Nechako 7 9.8 7.5 8.1
Northeast 4.8 5.9 6.1 9.2

In addition to being regionally imbalanced, the growth we are experiencing in British Columbia is, by any measure, extraordinarily inequitable:

  • People who own homes are doing very well. They are realizing more in capital gains than they or other workers (except perhaps those in real estate and other housing related industries) could ever hope to earn in labour income.
  • Those who do not own homes—particularly those who live in Vancouver, Victoria or other urban centres with rapidly rising costs of housing—are seeing their real disposable income after housing costs sharply decline.

It truly is not what governments of any political stripe would want for the population as a whole.

Though well masked by the housing bubble, there clearly is the need for a new economic development strategy in BC.

It is not just that the bubble will eventually burst, it is that growth from the bubble is leaving too many regions and people behind.

Source: The BC economy’s unbalanced and inequitable growth : Policy Note