B.C. Liberals refuse to look at alternatives to putting Hydro customers on $800 million hook

May 12, 2014

VICTORIA – Today, the B.C. Liberal government shut the door on independent expert review of the Site C project proposal, leaving B.C. Hydro customers on the hook for a loss of $800 million should the project go forward on the government’s timeline.

According to the panel’s report “B.C. Hydro projects losing $800 million in the first 4 years of operation,” under the government’s project timelines.

“Families are already facing a 28 per cent rate hike because of the B.C. Liberals’ complete mismanagement of B.C. Hydro,” said B.C. New Democrat leader John Horgan. “Now families will be on the hook for an $800 million loss because the B.C. Liberals are steamrolling ahead before the demand is there.”

The Joint Review Panel for the Site C project released its report last Thursday, recommending that the B.C. Liberal government “refer the load forecast and demand side management plan details to the B.C. Utilities Commission,” and have the BCUC review the proposed project’s costs.

Today in Question Period, B.C. Liberal Minister of Energy & Mines, Bill Bennett refused to refer the project to the BCUC to independently investigate alternatives that would limit ratepayers’ liabilities.

“Right now, we have Liberals telling Liberals what Liberals want to hear,” said Horgan. “That’s a reckless and irresponsible approach to such a massive project. We need an independent expert review to protect the ratepaying public.”

Hydro Rates and Liberal Errors

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December 5, 2013          David Schreck, StrategicThoughts.com

The Liberal platform from the May 2013 election is still on their website and it is easily searchable. BC Hydro was mentioned seven times. Hydro rates only received passing reference by way of a paragraph header:

“Reducing pressure on ratepayers”
“As the BC Prosperity Fund reduces public debt, this will include reducing the debt for BC Hydro and the Port Mann Bridge by allowing us to accelerate the paydown of debt for capital projects that are helping build the province.”

Five of the seven references to Hydro in the Liberal platform were in the context of paying down its debt through the use of LNG revenues. (The other two were to continue to purchase private power and a boast about implementing audit recommendations regarding executives and their compensation.)

Having opened Pandora’s box, the principle of reducing Hydro’s debt through the use of resource or other government revenue needs to be fully explored. Reducing the debt pressure on rate payers through such payments can be thought of as little more than repaying what amounted to a shift of debt from government to Hydro; that is what happened when Hydro paid water rentals and dividends to the province when those funds could have been used to reduced Hydro’s debt.

BC Hydro’s total revenue in the 2012-13 fiscal year was $4.9 billion. In that fiscal year, Hydro paid $348 million in water rentals as well as $509 million in dividends to the province, which amounted to 17.5% of the corporation’s total revenue.

Many families who use natural gas to heat water and their homes have very low electric bills. Reasonable attention to turning off the lights can result in monthly bills of under $40 for such families, but those who use electric baseboard heaters and electric hot water tanks face much higher bills, averaging over $200 per month.

For those families a rate increase of 9% on April 1, 2014 and another 6% on April 1, 2015 hurts. If they have wage earners who work in industries that will be facing millions in increased costs because of the 15% two year rate hike, they could be looking at job losses.

Boards of education and hospitals were told by the government to find “savings” elsewhere in their budgets to pay higher Hydro rates; schools and hospitals may have to cut services and layoff staff to pay the higher electric bills!

Premier Clark’s Liberals would have you believe the rate increases are necessary in order to make up for decisions made by the NDP more than twelve years ago. Even their strongest supporters can’t believe that nonsense. After more than a decade the Liberals must accept responsibility for their decisions and many of those decisions were massive mistakes that inflicted billions in unnecessary costs on Hydro.

BC Hydro’s power distribution was stripped away into BC Transmission Corporation in 2003 only to see the experimental company dissolved and reabsorbed by Hydro in 2010 under the inappropriately named “Clean Energy Act“.

Will McMartin described how many Liberal friends benefited from that failed experiment which cost rate payers $65 million. That was small potatoes as Liberal waste at Hydro goes.

The Clean Energy Act excluded many pet projects from independent review by the BC Utilities Commission (BCUC). Energy economist Marvin Shaffer warned that the Act would cost BC billions, and he has been proven right.

The Act essentially required Hydro to buy high and sell low. In the fiscal year ended March 31, 2013 Hydro paid Independent Power Producers (IPPs) $760 million (annual report page 45) for 10,675 gigawatt/hrs of power, an average cost of $71.23/MW/hr. Average power cost for Hydro was $17.96/MW/hr for 62,529 gigawatt/hrs of power. The Liberal’s concept of “self-sufficiency” required Hydro to buy expensive IPP power as if every year were a drought, even if it didn’t need the power.

The Clean Energy Act was really an Act to promote the profits of IPPs and to strip BCUC of its regulatory role in protecting ratepayers. Section 7 of the Act removed the following projects from BCUC scrutiny:

  • the Northwest Transmission Line, a 287 kilovolt transmission line between the Skeena substation and Bob Quinn Lake, and related facilities and contracts;
  • Mica Units 5 and 6, a project to install two additional turbines and related works and equipment at Mica;
  • Revelstoke Unit 6, a project to install an additional turbine and related works and equipment at Revelstoke;
  • Site C, a project to build a third dam on the Peace River in northeast British Columbia to provide approximately (i) 4 600 gigawatt hours of energy each year, and (ii) 900 megawatts of capacity;
  • a bio-energy phase 2 call to acquire up to 1 000 gigawatt hours per year of electricity;
  • one or more agreements with pulp and paper customers eligible for funding under Canada’s Green Transformation Program under which agreement or agreements the authority acquires, in aggregate, up to 1 200 gigawatt hours per year of electricity;
  • the clean power call request for proposals, issued on June 11, 2008, to acquire up to 5 000 gigawatt hours per year of electricity from clean or renewable resources, and

Section 17 of the Act imposed the smart meter program and exempted it from BCUC review.

It is hard to say whether some of the projects listed above would have proceeded if they had to satisfy BCUC. If some had not, ratepayers might not be looking at a 15% rate increase over the next two years.

Smart meters cost over $1 billion and there is no evidence of any significant savings. The cost of site C is anyone’s guess but some suggest it could reach $10 billion. Even Hydro’s 2011 estimate pegged it at $7.9 billion. Remember all that power is designated for producing LNG in BC and we’ve yet to see whether LNG can be sold at a profit for the province, let alone at rates that will pay off all provincial, Port Mann and BC Hydro debt. Nevertheless, the Liberal platform promised to accelerate the paydown of debt at BC Hydro, BC Ferries and the Port Mann Bridge once the core provincial debt is paid down.

While not acknowledging their mistakes, the Liberals could argue that (except for Site C) they are mostly water over the dam, or is that water under the bridge. One way or another, the promised pay-down of Hydro’s debt is a long way in the future and it needs money now. Of course part of the reason it needs money now is to continue paying the government almost a billion dollars a year in combined water rentals and dividends.

A background note to the government’s news release on the rate increase said government would be: “Reducing dividend payments to the Province over five years starting in Fiscal 2018 to allow BC Hydro to keep more cash for infrastructure investments.”

Those paying 9% more next year and another 6% more in 2015 might notice that the government’s promise to stop draining so much from Hydro doesn’t take effect until after the 2017 provincial election. When you think about it, much of what the Liberals promised for the May 2013 election won’t be seen or proven until after the 2017 election. It all requires a great deal of faith.

Vaughn Palmer: ‘Growth-sharing’ model eyed for public sector union deals

Finance minister’s plan would directly tie public sector compensation to provincial economic growth

By Vaughn Palmer, Vancouver Sun columnist November 27, 2013

Vaughn Palmer: ‘Growth-sharing’ model eyed for public sector union deals   Finance Minister Mike de Jong says the provincial government wants to ‘share the benefits of (economic) growth with the people that helped us get there.’Photograph by: Adrian Wyld , THE CANADIAN PRESS

VICTORIA — Finance Minister Mike de Jong was winding up a status report on a provincial budget that remains balanced on the edge of a razor Wednesday when he got to the news about the government’s mandate for the next round of public sector wage negotiations.

Gone are “net zero” and “cooperative gainsharing,” themes of the last two rounds. Enter “economic growth-sharing,” the government’s watchword for bargaining on contracts that expire next March 31.

The Liberals, taking their lead from expectations of modest growth in the years ahead, will offer correspondingly modest increases in wages and benefits to public sector workers. Wanting long-term stability as well, they are seeking settlements in the range of five per cent over five years.

But if the economy outperforms expectations, the government is prepared to translate the resulting revenue windfall into additional raises for public sector workers.

“I’m trying to be candid about the limited means at our disposal for locked-in general wage increases, “ de Jong told reporters. “This is a mechanism by which if collectively we can do better, the government is saying we want to share the benefits of that growth with the people that helped get us there.”

The starting point for de Jong’s proposed “mechanism” would be the annual growth projection from the independent forecasting council. The council is a defined-in-law panel of economists and other experts that meets every December to set the parameters for the following year’s provincial budget.

The finishing point would be the actual rate of growth, as determined after the fact by Statistics Canada in its annual calculations of “real gross domestic product at market prices” for the country’s provinces and territories. Real GDP growth, in shorthand.

In the event the latter performance exceeds the former projection, the government is proposing to split the difference in terms of an additional wage increase for public sector workers. A rate of growth that exceeded the forecast by one percentage point, would translate into a half-point wage increase.

One public sector union, the Health Sciences Association, has already tentatively accepted the formula, albeit subject to ratification. The union’s 17,000 members, including technologists, pharmacists, radiologists, dietitians, therapists and other health care professionals, are voting this month and into the next on a deal reached Nov. 8.

If ratified, it would provide them with a basic increase of 5.5 per cent spread over five years, plus what are called “economic stability dividends” if the economy outperforms expectations in the final four years of the agreement.

As a hypothetical example, derived from the union’s briefing for its members, suppose that in December 2014 the members of the economic forecasting council project the rate of economic growth for the year ahead at 2.1 per cent, on average. The number is duly recorded and published in the provincial budget presented to the legislature in February 2015.

Then in November 2016 Statistics Canada weighs in, right on schedule, with its calculation of how much the economy actually grew in the preceding year: 3.1 per cent.

Out come the calculators and out goes a directive from the Ministry of Finance to employers in the health care sector to begin paying out an additional half a percentage point to HSA members starting in 2017.

What if the economy went in the opposite direction and underperformed the forecast? There’d be no wage cut. The Liberals want public sector workers to go along with this experiment, not run for cover from it.

If approved, the HSA deal would be the first of its kind, here or in most other Canadian jurisdictions. Also a significant step toward the Liberal goal of tying public sector compensation to overall performance of the economy. Perhaps it might dispose public sector unions and their members to be more supportive of measures to encourage resource development, investment and private sector growth.

“It’s about the partnership,” de Jong explained. “The government is in partnership with the private sector in terms of generating that economic growth and the public sector is part of that partnership, a big part.

“They are a key part of the equation and a key mechanism by which we work with the private sector to create the circumstances in which the investment occurs and the economy grows. This is a means by which we can formalize that partnership and share some of the benefits.”

Nor is the prospect purely hypothetical. The finance ministry has produced a chart showing that if the growth-sharing mechanism were in place for all public sector workers since the Liberals took office, the cumulative result would have been an additional three-per-cent increase in wages over the 12 years and a payout from the provincial treasury of almost half a billion dollars.

Still, as de Jong noted, the HSA deal is but a first step and a tentative one at that. “I’m going to be careful about prejudging the outcome of discussions,” he told reporters, not disguising that he and his colleagues hope that growth-sharing becomes the standard for this round of public sector bargaining.

A one-per-cent increase in provincial economic growth translates into an estimated $200 million to $350 million in extra government revenues. A one-per-cent wage hike for all unionized public sector workers equates to about $200 million.

Editorial: Legislature must meet to answer policy questions

Vancouver Sun    November 21, 2013

British Columbians are seriously disadvantaged by a legislature that remains shuttered, unable to carry out its essential function as a forum for public debate.

An Agricultural Land Reserve in crisis? Forecasts showing B.C.’s long-touted greenhouse gas targets being blown? B.C. signing an agreement with Alberta in support of a national energy policy?

These are fundamental topics warranting a full public airing that, appropriately, would challenge and help shape public policy.

This won’t happen, however, because Christy Clark, who won a provincial election last May, mandated a 17-day session to pass the new Liberal government’s budget, and then proceeded to cancel any fall sitting of the legislature.

Since the start of the year, MLAs have sat for only 36 days.

As a result, government actions and policies are not receiving the scrutiny they would receive had elected members of the legislature been able to convene.

It is obvious that sitting governments prefer to have free rein, to carry on without being questioned or forced to defend decisions. But this is not in keeping with our system of responsible government.

Canada’s Constitution mandates that sittings of Parliament and the provincial legislatures must take place every 12 months.

A set number of sitting days is not specified, but parliamentary records show B.C.’s government sits relatively few days when compared to its counterparts.

The two other large provinces, Ontario and Quebec, in 2012 and 2013 sat for 143 and 121 days respectively. B.C. sat for just 83 days during that time period.

And so, even the most substantial matters are not being debated.

For example, we learned last week Agriculture Minister Pat Pimm pushed for a rodeo to be built in his riding on farmland that falls within the Agricultural Land Reserve and that Pimm is recommending to Cabinet the ALR broaden its considerations to take account of the needs of the oil and gas industry.

Is this a recommendation the government would favour in a province where less than five per cent of land is arable and as existing farmland dwindles by the year?

Also last week, internal B.C. government documents came to light showing development of a liquefied natural gas industry in the province could double greenhouse gas emissions, so that B.C.’s total emissions would be similar to those of Alberta.

This, when the province has pledged to reduce its total emissions by 2020 down to a third of its 2007 emissions.

Does the province propose to abandon its 2020 target?

Earlier this month, Clark met with her Alberta counterpart Alison Redford and reversed her earlier stand against Canada developing a national energy policy.

How does this new position square with her government’s rejection last spring of the Northern Gateway pipeline? Does this mean the government will be endorsing an expansion of Kinder Morgan’s alternative TransMountain pipeline route?

For now, with the legislature not sitting, the public can only guess at the answers to such questions. Clearly this is not the way democracy is supposed to work.

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