An 80th Anniversary Message from Campbell Newman – Welcome to Germany 1933

November 16, 2013     http://archiebutterfly.wordpress.com

NOTE: Campbell Kevin Thomas Newman is an Australian politician and the 38th and current Premier of Queensland since 26 March 2012. His government in Queensland’s parliament passed a contentious industrial relation law on November 27, 2913 “but Queensland Council of Unions (QCU) president John Battams says the government’s urgency and lack of consultation has been breathtaking” and “the legislation is designed to instil fear in public servants and strip them of their workplace rights.”, according to ninemsn.

“They will have no rights whatsoever, the government will have total control over them,” he told AAP.

The following is a satirical comment on the passing of the contentious legislation, that the author believes bears a striking resemblance to Nazi Germany 1933.

With the Harper government and provincial governments in Canada declaring war on unions, the comment is thought provoking and sobering. Cheers.

 

When the great man Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933 one of the first things on his agenda was taking out the pinko commies and destroying the unions. He figured it would shut up any dissent and please his rich donors, and he was right. 80 years ago he gave the nod to the boys in black and brown and in shades of our boys in Mappoon they went in and smashed up all the trade union offices in the country, arrested all the union officials and made quite a few of them disappear if you know what I mean. And good riddance to them too. If only we had the same luxury we would fix this joint in a blink.

After they’d sorted the union bosses the Nazi state took over the role of looking after the interests of the working class, and a bloody good job they did too. They sorted out the gays and the gypsies and the Jehovah’s Witnesses (shut up JP) and the Jews and everyone else  they didn’t like or who didn’t vote for them. And it worked – the economy was booming, business was making money, confidence was high. And then those bloody lefties Churchill and Roosevelt got involved and stuffed the whole thing up. Idiots.

But don’t you worry about that because Hitler knew what the go was and so does Can Do Campbell Newman, and we’ve decided to mark the 80th anniversary of the attack on unions by launching our very own barrage on the unions here in Nazi Queensland. Yes my loyal subjects, we’ve just introduced a bill into State Parliament that crushes the unions with the stroke of a pen. We’ve seen off the bikies and now wer’re going to see of those Labor loving fat cat bastards (What’s that? I earn 5 times as much as a union boss? Manassa Mauler – grab that man, throw a leather jacket on him and send him to the star chamber).

Yes Queensland rejoice, because no budding Labor hack union official or fat cat boss will ever again set foot in your workplace to bother you with nonsense about fair wages and conditions, or collective agreements, or strike action ever again because just like Uncle Adolf we’ve taken over the role of looking after the working class, and have we got some good news for you.

First off, you don’t have to worry about whether you’re going to Straddy at Xmas this year or saving your holidays to visit mum in Thargomindah in July, because your employer’s going to decide for you when you take your leave. Yep, you just sit back and concentrate on the job at hand and your boss will give you a fortnight’s notice and off on holidays you’ll go. It’ll take all the worry out of your hands and I bet that’s a bloody relief. And if it’s not, well I am sure you all appreciate that the boss pays the wages so unless you want us to stamp a Mongol tattoo on your forehead I’m sure you’ll simply do as you are told.

We’ve cut the red-tape around redundancy payments and made them easier for you to understand by simply trimming away the fat. Now you’ll have less money to count when we ask you to pursue a different career path, and because you’re getting paid less you’ll pay less tax, and no-one likes to pay tax. And if anyone tries to tell you your redundancy pay is less than the Fair Work Act minimum standard, well you just tell them that we do things differently up here and ask them if they are bloody two-headed Tasmanian or something.

You see up  here we’re smarter than the average wombat, and Queenslanders know that if you’ve been bludging on the public purse for 9 years in the Department of Transport then you deserve to get 3 weeks less pay than you used to, and this productivity improvement will mean that instead of sitting around watching daytime TV for three months youll get off your ass and find another job. And that’s what public service redundancies are about – jobs, jobs, jobs.

And speaking of jobs, we hear that they’re looking for cleaners at the airport so take the tip and join the job queue outside Qantas at 4 o’clock tomorrow morning. They’re running 3 month unpaid job trials to assess your suitability so bring a mop and your own cleaning products.

And in the future don’t bother to go looking for help from those slugs who bludge off your union fees, because we’ve made it illegal for your boss to consult with Vicious Lawless Associations about workplace changes or involve them in any way in the decision-making process. Shoot, we’ve made it illegal for your boss to even tell the unionbastards that they are going to make any changes, and the whippersnapper will have your employer up against the wall if the jelly-legged cowards even try to slip the union any documents or information about the jobs they plan to cut.

Employment security’s also out the window. We can’t run this state properly if people aren’t running around in fear so it’s now illegal to mention job security in awards, contracts or agreements. It’s also illegal to talk about contracting out your jobs or services – that’s the bosses prerogative and they can do whatever the hell they like, and if your job is outsourced to Sri Lanka well you should be happy that you’re contributing to the war on terror and the evil axis, because we have to give the soldiers something to do when the’re not raping the wives or killing the kids of suspected terrorists don’t we?

We were working on a plan to send the union bosses over to Columbo just so the troops can keep their hand in, but we’ve hit a snag because they keep banging on about turning our boats back, but I’ll talk to Scotty and I’m sure he’ll work something out. We’ll let you know at the weekly briefing if we feel like it, otherwise we’ll just let you know that for reasons of national security we can’t let you know and I’m sure you won’t mind because you’re sick of hearing about brown bastards in boats anyway.

We’ve also taken the red tape off restrictions to when you can and can’t work and because we know you’re keen to put in 24/7 rostering will now be your bosses sole decision, just like it should be, and if you can’t work Tuesday nights because you’re a single mum and you can’t get a babysitter then maybe you should have a good hard look at yourself in the mirror at Centrelink in Tweed Heads because there’s no jobs here in Queensland for the likes of you.

And we know you don’t like the red-tape wrapped around the award, minimum conditions and all that crap, so we’re changing them too, and we’ve set it up so that the people who run this bloody state – that’s Jarrod and I – can tell those imbecile industrial commissioners exactly what they can and can’t put in the awards. In fact we’re probably going to write the bloody awards for them, because those buggers are just like the judges and if it’s not written down then they can’t be trusted to interpret the law the way we mean it to be. These bastards get up my nose they just sit their in their ivory towers and nitpick over whether arguing over the meaning of words and suffering up our laws. What a bloody waste of time. is, was, is going to be – they’re bloody bikies so just lock them up you twits.

While we’re on the subject, I’m thinking about cutting the red-tape big-time and getting rid of the law books altogether. We’ll just put our legislation up on Wikipedia, and if any half smart cocaine-snorting bleeding heart lefty lawyer finds a loophole Jarrod can just do an edit on his smartphone and Bob’s your uncle, problem fixed.  And if any of those whineing academic posers on the bench try to make you pay more tax by giving you a pay rise, and let me make it clear more pay for you bludgers is not part of our fiscal strategy, then we’ll edit that out too with one big DELETE because only we get more money, and I’m sure you agree we bloody deserve it for having to put up with you lot.

But I’m sure you’ll be pleased to know that we’ve sorted out the problem with the teenage thugs who are on the path to becoming bikies by taking away all their employment rights. If they want to play the selfie-taking, we’re only young once card then these school-based apprentices and trainees, who couldn’t get their noses out of their iphones long enough to understand their rights anyway, can go and kiss my ass and if they’ve got a problem at work well that’s there problem and if they want to get smart about it we’ve got boot camps ready and waiting to sort their punk attitudes out.

And there’s no discrimination anymore in this State unless you’re young, disabled or an apprentice. We’re going to pay that lot less so if you think about it you’re actually getting a relative pay increase without it costing us a cent. How good’s that hey? We tried to cut the pay of these gay-marriage seeking homos too but the problem is that since we took the scalpel to their equal rights laws they’ve been difficult to spot because they’ve taken off their pink jackets and covered up their rainbow tattoos and the limp wristed Leo’s are hiding among normal Queenslanders like Jarrod and Tim and me.

We’ll find them though because I’ve called up the Doctor, the Rabbi and the Right to Life GP to form an advisory panel to the government to sort it out. While they’re up here I’m going to get them to do a review of our funding of Family Planning clinics too because the bloody things cost a fortune and these bloody women just need to keep their legs together and we wouldn’t have a problem would we?

But I digress. Now if like most slack-ass employees your collective agreement includes a whole lot of company policies then we’ve cut the red-tape and made things easier for you to understand by stripping them all out. So now you can forget all that rubbish about your boss feeling you up in lunchroom or making you work 27 shifts in a row being against policy, because Queensland only has one policy these days and that is to screw you down as tight as we can so that we can give more money to business. It’s a good policy and it’s the Reich policy and I’m sure you will agree.

So folks, thanks for coming to listen in your 10 minutes lunch break – yes we did think about cutting lunch out all together to give you the privilege of increasing productivity but then you’d be going to the toilet on the bosses time and we’re not having any of that – now shoot off and shackle yourselves to your desks again because Jarrod and I have got a bunch of badass Bandido’s to worry about and we need to take off to lunch at the Pier to discuss it over a few crabs and coldies.

But just before we go I’d like to take the pleasure of announcing that to mark today’s 80th anniversary law changes we have adopted a new motto for Queensland, and it’s a ripper.

Work Will Set You Free.

And ain’t that the truth. Adolf would be proud of you all.

Now piss off and get back to work!

And don’t fall over the boxes in the doorway on your way out because accident pay’s for bludgers and we’ve made that illegal too.

McJobs, a Launch Pad for Young Workers

Employees of a BC burger joint share hopes, fears and life lessons. Last in a series.

By Pieta Woolley, 13 Sep 2013, Tyee Solutions Society

 

Fast food worker

They can be derided as junk jobs, but for many young British Columbians, days behind a fast-food counter offer the first steps toward grown-up stability. Server photo via Shutterstock.

[Editor’s note: The Tyee Solutions Society’s Pieta Woolley has been writing about the reasons why many graduates of the provincial foster care and child protection system become homeless as young adults. As 620,000 B.C. children and teens return to school, she looks at why the “launch” from adolescence to financially-independent adulthood is proving so hard for so many — not just the most vulnerable — and some ideas about how to help. Today, Woolley explores the ups and downs of that much-maligned first-job setting, the fast food restaurant. Find the entire series here.]

The oniony, greasy smell of deep fryer oil wafts through the air-conditioned air inside the strip mall chain fast-food restaurant. Outside it’s hot and dry and the over-bright summer sun blasts the parking lot. Several cars are lined up at the drive-thru and a trickle of customers visits the counter seeking late afternoon snacks.

This joint is located at the outer reaches of the Lower Mainland, in a small city where family incomes are slightly below the provincial average (because this is a small place where privacy is scarce, The Tyee agreed to conceal the name of the location). Nearby are farms, a reserve, a mill, and the remains of several utopian communes. Life is pleasant here. People work at it. Not least, those who are working here.

The workers at this burger joint — both the Gen Y youth behind the counter, and the restaurant’s Gen X owners — represent B.C.’s uncertain future, where class, race, globalization and age all combine to tell a complicated tale. They’re not classifiable as “at risk” or “vulnerable.” Nor are they the kids who more often show up in articles about tough transitions in Canada: neither the most vulnerable, nor the young but unemployed university grads.

These are B.C.’s mainstream youth, “middle class” by family income standards.

With scant opportunities in the resource sector that traditionally offered good wages straight out of high school, how are they managing the transition from adolescent economic dependence to self-supporting adulthood?

Let’s meet some of them.

The responsible family man

It’s 4 p.m. and Grant, 25, has just finished an eight-hour shift toasting buns and frying chicken. He joins me at a table in the restaurant while his wife and kids — a three-year-old boy and a one-year-old girl — wait in their silver beater car outside. His bright blue eyes are run through with red over his scruffy young man’s beard, and his tight skin gleams. He’s chugging orange pop from a water bottle.

“I don’t see working in fast food. I see working full time,” Grant says, after telling me he’s worked here for one year this week. Before that, he’d patched together part-time jobs in a corner store, at Walmart, mowing lawns, and teaching guitar to support his family. This is the first job that’s offered him full-time hours.

“Seeing my dad with one job for his entire life, that’s how I figured out that it doesn’t matter what job you have,” he tells me. “It matters that you take care of the people you love.”

His dad worked for the mill, a once-flourishing local employer now down to a bare-bones staff. Grant would like to apply for one of its few remaining entry-level union jobs, but he doesn’t have the required high school diploma.

Shuttled with his older brother between their separated parents’ houses, he says he endured beatings from his bigger sibling during unsupervised hours. Short and scrawny as a youngster, he was an easy target for primary school peers to pick on as well, he said; it made him timid.

Then, in Grade 9, he could barely get out of bed. His body craved sleep. And food. He missed the bulk of his classes because of the symptoms of a growth spurt that added 14 inches to his height. No longer was he the smallest kid in his class, but now he was seriously behind his classmates.

A change in B.C. graduation requirements, which would have forced him to re-take much of Grade 9 as prerequisites, thwarted his effort to catch up and finish high school. He gave up.

By 19 he was working part time, building model war figures and learning to play guitar. He was also drinking too much. After a roommate kicked him out, he moved in with his girlfriend. Within a year she was pregnant. He married her “officially” before she gave birth, and after their son was born the couple held a proper wedding, so she could wear a traditional wedding dress.

Recently, Grant says, they took on five roommates to make ends meet, bringing the total house count to 10. That includes his dad, who lives downstairs and pays half the mortgage after helping them with a down payment. It’s too tight, Grant notes — a mistake he says he hopes not to repeat.

So far, Grant says, he’s learned three things.

First, he’s not good with money. Working at the corner store, he believed he figured out how to win at Keno, and spent his evenings playing and, surprisingly, winning. In six weeks, he claims, he’d collected more than $3,000, which he blew on several generous presents.

Second, his only regret is not learning to play the guitar earlier. He loves it, he’s good at it, and he writes his own songs. And, he believes, it would have helped his popularity and cut down on the bullying in high school.

Third, he believes that greater social problems stem from his generation’s working poverty. Youth can never strike out on their own on part-time wages. Forced to exchange dependence on their parents for dependence on roommates, he thinks, he and his peers enjoy no chance for self-discovery or self-definition.

Going back to school is not on his to-do list, even though he knows how many jobs are closed to him for lack of graduating. “I didn’t enjoy high school,” he says. “It’s like piano lessons. I use the skills I learned, but I don’t plan on continuing.”

From the outside, Grant’s life may seem precarious, even short-sighted. But that misses too much. Instead, the young family man has built a life around music, steady work, the dignity of responsibility, and an appreciation for being surrounded by people who love him.

The quiet Aboriginal superstar

Rose, 20, meets me at a coffee shop on her way out of town. She’s jangling a handful of keys: one of them is to her new basement suite three hours away. She’s on her way to move in. Petite with a broad, soft face and very straight, thick hair, Rose is no-nonsense. She’s about to enter her second year in indigenous studies at a Victoria college, aiming for a degree in social work. Her boyfriend — and roommate — is studying indigenous business leadership.

Growing up on the reserve, Rose was surrounded by peers who weren’t as driven as she was. Now, she says, many of them are floundering: not skilled enough to find decent work, but too frightened to leave home for school.

So what made the difference between her and her peers?

“I think it just has to do with their parents. Mine made sure we were awake, and that we were getting ready for school. They drove us to school if we missed the bus. In First Nations communities, a lot of parents are too involved in their own life to think about the kids,” she says without judgment.

Rose’s mom went to college; she’s a kindergarten teacher. Her father works as a logger and serves on the band council. Both of her older sisters went to university. Her younger brother is planning to get his bachelor of sciences.

Rose, who was a very shy child, credits some of her willingness to pursue a life off the reserve to an exchange program in Grade 9. She was chosen to live overseas with a French family. Succeeding in such a profoundly different environment and forming a bond with her host family, she recalls, allowed her to open up. After graduation, she returned and stayed with her French family for the entire summer.

“I feel like growing up happened really fast,” she says. “I didn’t have time to process it. After Europe, I came back just in time to move out [for first year at college]. I didn’t even have the chance to say goodbye to friends.”

She’s spent this summer as a cashier, and saved every minimum-wage penny. Between her summer earnings, shared rent, and the grants her Indian status allows her, she’ll manage to scrape by at school. But money is much tighter now than when her sister went to college — on the same grants — 15 years ago, she explains. “I just pay for food and rent and laundry, and that’s about what it covers,” she says.

For Rose, working in fast food is about more than money. Dealing with people when their order is wrong and they get mad forces her “to think about what to say, about how to fix things,” she says.

It’s a skill she expects to need in her planned career. Rose’s aunt is a social worker on the local reserve, and has warned her it can be very stressful.

“I just want to help people in any way I can,” says Rose. “I want to be remembered by the way I helped even one person in a significant way.”

The once competitive gymnast hopeful

Immediately after her last shift ever, Maria, 19, shed her drive-thru head set and polyester uniform, got into denim short-shorts and a violet top, and ran across the parking lot to visit her boyfriend, a barista at Starbucks. She graduated high school with the class of 2012, and has been working the take-out window ever since.

But next week she’s off for an eight-month esthetics course: hair styling, massage, skin care, make-up and nails. It’s a ticket to travel and work anywhere, even at resorts, she says. She doesn’t know how much esthetics pays, but she doesn’t care either. It’s fun work. She loves fashion.

Maria’s parents divorced when she was six. Her father is a paramedic and her mom a medical secretary. They pushed their kids to succeed. Maria’s older brother has his carpentry ticket.

At age six, Maria began a competitive gymnastics career that took her within sight of the national team. She was a favourite coach at the club and it was a great job, for a while.

Then one day two years ago, dismounting off the parallel bars, she landed with a straight leg and hyperextended her knee. It was never the same. Now, a build-up of knee cartilage means her competitive years are over.

“Everyone thought I’d be a teacher,” she said, mentioning jubilantly that she’d loved high school. “I was a really good gymnastics coach. But after six years, I was sick of teaching.”

Esthetics, a practical career that suits her interests — with a short and affordable course — appeals now. This fall, Maria and her boyfriend will both be going to the same school, where he’s planning to become a nurse.

“Moving away from home is scary,” she reports. “Oh my god! Sometimes I wonder what I am doing. I had a hard time after I graduated. I didn’t know what to do. Taking a year off really helped.”

Salaries tend to be dismal for estheticians, especially without advanced training. But it’s likely Maria will figure that out and jump to the next thing — and probably nail her landing.

The last lucky generation

The chain restaurant franchise belongs to Nadia and Mike. They’re both 38, and have three kids, the oldest one in university. That’s right: spring break of her Grade 12 year, Nadia had her first baby.

It was 1992. Despite the socially dreaded “teen pregnancy,” and unlike Grant, Rose or the other kids who work for them now, Mike and Nadia were making enough back then to start an independent life.

To take care of his new family Mike got a job at the mill. The money was great: he was pulling in $3,000 a month, after taxes, with no post-secondary school. Nadia stayed home to look after their daughter. For a time, life was straightforward.

Then Mike got laid off.

The duo moved across the Lower Mainland so Mike could go to school. She worked as a cashier in a fast food restaurant while he finished his accounting diploma. Money was tight and their family support was 200 kilometres away.

At 18, Nadia clued in to how important income is to family stability. “I realized what money stress is,” she says. “Do I hate you [Mike]? Or is it just money stress?”

Even after her husband started working for the federal government, their finances were stretched to the limit. Between rent, utilities, groceries and one car, every penny disappeared.

“This was in the era before credit cards and cell phones [were universal accessories]. Things were simpler then,” says Mike. He notes that his young employees spend heavily on cell phones and travel, luxuries that were beyond his dreams until recently. “Now there’s all that money that just pours out on a daily basis.”

Two more kids later, the young family moved home to this small city where houses are cheaper and opportunity wide open. In 2007, they bought the restaurant franchise.

A front-row seat to Gen-Y angst

At an age when many Vancouver parents are strolling their first baby around the Seawall in a Bugaboo, Mike and Nadia are nearing the finish line. At work however, they feel they’re perpetually parenting their motley crew of late teens and aspiring young adults.

It’s a very different generation from their own, they report, with very different struggles. For one thing, Nadia says, “When I started working, whatever your boss asked you to do, you did… I asked one new employee to do the dishes the other day. He said, ‘No, I don’t feel like it.’

“We fired a kid recently; he said he’d rather argue with us about his job than actually work.”

Firings are rare, though. Nadia and Mike see their role as many teens’ first boss to be one of mentorship. But Nadia has had to pull back in frustration from her initial impulse to help the most troubled kids.

The couple has hired several former and current foster kids, but none stayed long. Nadia recalls one young woman whom she hired in spite of a pierced and shabby appearance. She kept the teen on even when she showed up drunk for several shifts. Nadia finally had to let the girl go when she punched through a window at the restaurant after a fight with her boyfriend — but only after she drove her ex-employee to the hospital.

They hired another young man in the foster care system, but his home life was so unstable he wasn’t reliably appearing at work, and they eventually lost track of him. Yet another foster kid started work, but stopped showing up for her shifts.

She says they’ve also seen an influx of job applicants with autism and other diagnoses: ADHD, epilepsy, Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder. Some have worked out as employees. A cook in his mid-30s has Asperger’s syndrome, which they’ve been able to help him manage at work. Another older employee, a former foster kid, overcame fetal alcohol syndrome to become a manager, but was eventually let go when his own alcoholism affected his work.

But in Nadia’s view, simply getting kids working — especially in a busy, typical first job — would go a long way to getting Gen Y past its failure to launch.

“It teaches them how to manage their money, what life is like, it gets them over the idea that life is easy,” she notes. “The school system and parents can do a better job, simply by letting them fail every once in a while.”  [Tyee]

CETA: Provinces Failing To Defend Themselves In Canada-EU Free Trade Negotiations, Says Lawyer

07/10/2012   http://www.huffingtonpost.ca  

Althia Raj  Althia Raj

 

Ceta Canada Eu Free Trade

Civil Society Critics of CETA, the Canada-EU free trade deal, deliver a Trojan horse to Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Monday, October 17, 2011. (THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick)

OTTAWA — Canadian provinces are either ill-equipped or incompetent when it comes to defending their rights in a massive and overarching free trade agreement Canada is currently negotiating with the European Union, says a lawyer who has studied leaked drafts of the text.

“The provinces are selling us out and they are not doing their homework,” Steven Shrybman, an international trade and public interest lawyer, told The Huffington Post Canada.

The federal government, along with provincial and territorial representatives, is finishing up negotiations on CETA, the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, which it hopes to sign with the EU by the end of the year. The deal, the government says, will boost bilateral trade and inject $12-billion annually into the Canadian economy.

But critics decry what they’ve seen of the deal, which applies to sub-national governments for the first time, saying it will give European corporations the ability to compete for local contracts on everything from school buses to municipal water systems.

They are also concerned foreign companies will be able to challenge municipal or provincial regulations that favour local jobs or regional development.

Though Ottawa will sign off on the final agreement, for the first time provincial negotiators are at the table. Municipalities, as creatures of the provinces, are represented by provincial negotiators.

In a legal brief prepared for CUPE, the Canadian Union of Public Employees, Shrybman studied the list of items Canada sought to exempt from international competition. He found that while the European Union had asked for blanket exemptions to protect many public utilities in various sectors, most provinces and the territories have not done the same.

“There is a dramatic disparity between what the Europeans have put on the table and what we have put on the table,” Shrybman said. “They are preserving their ability to govern in the public interest in far more ways then we have.”

Paul Moist, CUPE’s national president, said the union was sharing the legal brief as a “wake-up” call for premiers.

“Why are European member countries seeking exemptions for their water and their public transit systems and we are not, are there not red flags being raised by the conduct of the Europeans?” he asked.

Moist, whose members work in many sectors covered under CETA — such as school boards, the health care system, municipalities and social services agencies — said the free trade agreements negotiated in the 1980s and 1990s exempted most of those services.

“The opposite is happening here, so CETA represents pretty uncharted territory for Canada,” Moist said. “If you don’t exempt something, it is included.”

Under NAFTA rules, any rights granted to European corporations under CETA would also automatically apply to North American companies.

Canada’s initial offers, leaked earlier this year and circulated by the Trade Justice Network and Reseau quebecois sur l’integration continentale (RQIC), show wide variations between the provinces. Manitoba, for example, wants to limit market access to foreign providers and investors in fishing, forestry, food, liquor, beer and wine retail trade, agriculture, energy, recreational services and insurance. Other provinces, including Ontario, Quebec and B.C., sought few or no restrictions.

Some provinces may be doing a poor job of defending their interests simply because they don’t fully understand the effects the deal could have, Shrybman said.

“There is general illiteracy in the political leadership of provincial governments. They’ve never confronted anything like this before. Free trade is kind of old news to them and the fact that the dramatic transformation of how these agreements would apply to sub-national governments I don’t think has been properly conveyed,” he said.

Shrybman believes some provinces have not sought exemptions because they are led by parties that believe in smaller government and more privatization.

Without negotiated exemptions, the provinces and territories will be permanently bound by the agreement. Future governments won’t be able to establish new policies or public services without paying out millions — or possibly hundreds of millions of dollars — in compensation to foreign companies who challenge them, Shrybman said.

MUNICIPALITIES’ CONCERNS

Concerns about the trade deal prompted dozens of Canadian municipalities to pass resolutions asking their respective provinces to exclude them from CETA, including: Toronto, Victoria, London, Ont., and Sackville, New Brunswick.

In Baie-Comeau, Que., a township on the northern coast of the Saint Lawrence River, Councillor Alain Larouche brought forward a motion to try to exclude his municipality from CETA because he wanted to ensure local companies could be favoured in government contracting.

“International competition could jeopardize our local businesses and companies, so we sought a form of protectionism,” Larouche told HuffPost.

“We’re in the regions and our industries are more fragile, they are a lot less competitive than international firms. It’s obvious for us that our companies are a generator of jobs and that’s why we want to protect our jobs,” he said in a phone interview.

Those concerns were echoed by Bill Holmes, a former councillor in the Ontario township of Alnwick/Haldimand. Holmes, who recently stepped down due to a cancer diagnosis, said he wanted his municipality excluded from CETA because he was concerned it would affect the council’s ability to establish ‘buy-local’ policies and create good full-time jobs with benefits for the town.

In New Tecumseh, Ont., Councillor Jim Stone fears a loss of control with new international players.

“What are the benefits and what are the costs? We have never received that equation,” he told HuffPost.

For example, if the town wants to bid on water or sewage systems, “we would have to include the European community to bid on these things and you would lose total control over environmental aspects (and) the things that you would like to see local,” he said. “It puts our workers in jeopardy.”

Government and business leaders say CETA’s $340,000 procurement threshold — the minimum cost at which international firms are allowed to bid — in the goods-and-services sector and $8.5 million for construction projects is higher than what is already in place through the Agreement on Internal Trade. But for Stone, that’s still too low.

“You don’t get much for $300,000 in a municipal service today,” he said.

CETA will give corporations further powers to influence Canadian laws, Stone told HuffPost.

“(They’ll say) you can’t pass a law that benefits your own people because we are not going to do it over here. You know, that’s what happens so the whole bar gets lowered. We are trying to raise our bar and they come and knock it off the peg and say you start back down here,” the New Tecumseh Councillor said.

City Councillor Sav Dhaliwal of Burnaby, B.C., said that while he is a staunch supporter of free trade, local politicians want to know what they are being forced to sign on to. Burnaby has led an effort for several years to exempt all municipalities from CETA.

“We have never found out clearly, or at least to a point, what is on the table, what is being exempted, so that is a part of the frustration for us,” Dhaliwal said.

THE PROVINCES RESPOND

Andy Watson, a public affairs officer with the British Columbia Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Innovation, said he won’t provide the list of exemptions British Columbia has sought because the negotiations are ongoing.

“Making public our negotiating positions would undercut our leverage not only in the CETA talks but in other negotiations as well,” he told HuffPost.

Manitoba, however, said it had put forward a lengthy list of exemptions with Manitoba Hydro at the top.

“Manitoba Hydro is Manitoba’s oil. Every year, it brings hundreds of millions of dollars into our provincial economy. We’re continuing to build it for future generations, for reliability and to secure international export sales,” said Jodee Mason, a press secretary for the province’s cabinet.

Mason said Manitoba and its lead negotiator met regularly with municipalities and consulted them throughout the negotiations. As far as they are aware, not one municipality passed a motion asking to be excluded from CETA.

Quebec, which pushed for the EU free trade deal, believes it may reap greater benefit from CETA than other provinces because of pre-existing commercial roots on the other side of the Atlantic, its geographic proximity to the European market and a shared culture.

Jean-Pierre D’Auteuil, a spokesman in Quebec’s Department of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade, told HuffPost that nothing in CETA would prevent its municipalities from pursuing their socio-economic goals.

“Municipalities will be able to continue to adopt and modify rules, as long as these rules are applied in a non-discriminatory fashion,” D’Auteuil said.

Federation of Canadian Municipalities President Karen Leibovici, who speaks on behalf of the umbrella organization representing municipalities across the country, said the FCM identified several concerns about CETA: that procurement thresholds were too low, that new administration processes could increase costs, that the barring of preferential treatment for country of origin would negatively impact the strategic or public interest considerations of municipalities, that transit and environmental protection should be allowed “within reason” and that the municipalities would have a role to play in the dispute resolution process.

Without a final draft to examine, it’s too early to say if the deal has met the federation’s expectations, said Leibovici, a city councillor in Edmonton.

But she’s confident International Trade Minister Ed Fast and Canada’s lead negotiator Steve Verheul will defend the interests of municipalities. The men have pledged to uphold a list of seven guiding principles put forward by the federation, she said.

If municipalities have specific concerns they should speak to their province and work with municipal and territorial associations, Leibovici said.

The Council of Canadians, along with CUPE, is urging municipalities to do just that.

“CETA is not about trade at all,” Maude Barlow, the Council’s national chairperson, told HuffPost in an email. “Most trade with Europe is tariff free now. CETA is about giving corporations in Canada the right to challenge European rules that protect domestic economies, jobs, farmers and resources and European corporations the right to do the same in Canada.”

Ed Fast’s spokesman Rudy Husny insists CETA will be a boon for Canada and will open the largest procurement market in the world, worth about $2.3-trillion annually, while boosting job opportunities in this country.

“There are no costs — there are only benefits; we are going to remove tariffs and we are going to increase trade,” Husny said.

Nothing in the agreement will prevent governments from regulating in the public interest, in areas such as the environment, labour and health and safety, Husny added.

Local governments will be allowed to continue to give preferential treatment to hometown companies through grants, loans and fiscal incentives, he said, while research and development, financial services, public administration, education and health care will all be excluded from the deal.

Brianna Ames, press secretary to Ontario’s Economic Development Minister Brad Duguid, noted Ottawa has asked for exclusions for health care, public education, and social services, such as child care, welfare and employment insurance, but she would not discuss what exemptions or exclusions Ontario has sought because the negotiations are still ongoing.

“We are pursuing in these negotiations the best deal. We can’t look at things in isolation,” she said.

Any requests by municipalities to be exempted from the trade deal would have to be agreed to by the parties and could impact other areas of the discussion, she said.

“At this stage of the discussions, it is to be determined how those requests would be treated,” Ames added.

“WE ARE GOING TO GET STIFFED”

Stone, the New Tecumseh councillor, doesn’t trust Ontario to a sign a deal that won’t penalize his community.

“We’ve heard that before, ‘Trust us, eh? We’re from the government, we are here to help you.’ That’s almost like an oxymoron. No, I think we are going to get stiffed,” he told HuffPost.

Ontario kept municipalities in the dark and, as representatives of the level of government closest to the people, Stone feels citizens are being excluded.

Dhaliwal said B.C. municipalities are getting the run-a-around from their province, which is insisting it is not at liberty to inform them about the status of the negotiations.

“For us, it’s far too late if the ink is already put in the paper to say well this is in and this is out,” he said.

Everyone believes in international trade agreements, Dhaliwal said, but the municipalities are concerned CETA will affect the delivery of services that councillors like himself are responsible for providing to their residents and they want the opportunity to propose certain changes or give their endorsement.

“We want to make sure that they are not going to suffer, but we won’t know, I don’t think we’ll ever know because by the time we hear about it everything will be signed, sealed and delivered.”

Advocate for low-wage economy rebutted

By Ken Georgetti, Vancouver Sun September 6, 2013

Re: The union disadvantage, Sept. 4 Terence Corcoran appears to be all for a low-wage Canadian economy.

He suggests workers are better off employed at $8 an hour rather than unemployed at $15. He fails to mention that the majority of Canadians stuck in low-wage jobs are employed by large, highly profitable corporations.

Corcoran is silent on record high corporate profits and the compensation of CEOs. He also fails to mention studies showing these corporations can well afford to pay decent, family-supporting wages.

He neglects to acknowledge the cost to our society of low-wage employers who fail to provide decent pensions and benefits. Decent wages are about fairness and economic growth. The IMF, the OECD and credible economists point to weak domestic demand as a principal constraint on that growth. They argue for measures to stimulate demand; the U.K. is the most recent country to come in for criticism for its austerity policies.

When the real wage paid to low-and middle-income workers increases, it means more money spent in the local economy and businesses. That creates jobs locally rather than having record profits hoarded by big corporations, or being invested abroad in low-wage economies.

Ken Georgetti President, Canadian Labour Congress, Ottawa

A fine balance: GDP growth by sector and the impact of austerity

http://rabble.ca

Jim Stanford 

By Jim Stanford    September 11, 2013

A fine balance: GDP growth by sector and the impact of austerity

The second-quarter GDP numbers confirm that Canada’s continuing “recovery,” such as it is, is still balancing very precariously on a knife-edge between expansion and contraction. The various sources of growth vary widely in their current momentum. The overall net balance is barely positive. And coming austerity in the public sector could very much push the balance into negative territory in coming quarters.

Here’s how the numbers add up. I examined the year-over-year change in each major component of GDP (the familiar C+I-G+X-M, with housing investment broken out as its own category), using real (chained 2007) data. The ultimate change in real GDP depends, obviously, on a weighted average of all the component changes. This is a simple way to think about where the impetus for growth is coming from (or not, as the case may be).

The accompanying figure summarizes the data. 

  • Consumers are still spending at a decent clip, despite (or more precisely thanks to) their accumulating debt.
  • Residential housing investment has now peaked and is starting to decline moderately. (Recent data on housing starts and residential construction employment suggest further flatlining or gentle contraction in this volatile sector.) 
  • Business capital investment continues to be lacklustre, despite abundant corporate cash flows. In fact, this graph overestimates the strength of business investment because of well-known problems with the implicit GDP deflator for this category of spending (apparent prices of business capital are distorted downward by the secular fall in the price of computer-related assets, and this makes “real” investment spending look bigger than it is — at least in macroeconomic terms).
  • Net exports are a wipe-out: the trade deficit continues to widen in the face of iffy global demand and our overvalued currency. This result is especially disappointing in light of recent improvements in U.S. demand conditions; it indicates the deep structural weakness in Canada’s participation in the global economy that the Harper government’s rush to sign more FTAs will only reinforce.
  • This leaves the government sector, considering both current “consumption” (spending on programs) and capital investment (infrastructure). The net year-over-year increase as of the second quarter was still positive, but barely so: up by 1 per cent in real terms. This reflects growth in real current consumption (up 1.4 per cent year over year), offset by a contraction in capital spending (down half a percentage point). The net trend in total government spending has recovered from the significant negative values recorded in 2011 (as temporary stimulus spending, mostly on capital “make-work” projects, was being unwound). But at barely 1 per cent real government expenditure is still shrinking both as a share of GDP and in real per capita terms, and hence can be considered evidence of continuing austerity. In contrast, when the economy was recovering much more robustly in latter 2009 and 2010, total government expenditure was growing by as much as 6 percent year over year.

The weighted average of all sectors produces the uninspiring 1.4 per cent year-over-year expansion in total GDP recorded in the second quarter. That’s not enough to offset productivity growth and population growth — which is why there has been no further recovery in the national employment rate (employment as a share of the working-age population) since the end of 2010 (almost 3 years of labour market stagnation). This isn’t so much a “recovery,” as it is treading water.

What’s the outlook going forward? In short: more of the same. 

There’s no sign of coming vigour in either net exports or business investment (what are supposed to be the major engines of growth in a globalized capitalist economy). Best-case scenario for the housing sector is a continued soft landing: that is, an easy-going decline. Consumers are still willing to borrow and spend, for now: how that will hold up in the face of coming interest rate hikes (on both mortgage and non-mortgage debt) is an open question.

Fiscal policy will therefore continue to determine the net balance of economic forces. If governments decide to tighten spending further, then the overall balance would shift even closer to zero (or even cross to the minus side).

This simple analysis also highlights what is required to achieve a more optimistic outlook — one where expansion in spending is sufficient to generate a sustained increase in the employment rate, with resulting spin-off benefits for incomes, spending, and subsequent job-creation. 

New industrial and trade policies could help to address the weakness in net exports and business capital spending. Failing that, fiscal policy must do more of the economic lifting. 

The corporate sector continues to deleverage and accumulate liquid assets; there is no shortage of “money” in Canada’s economy. 

From a social perspective, therefore, there is no fiscal constraint on government’s ability to lead future growth through a major and sustained expansion in spending (especially capital spending — for example, on transportation, housing, and green energy).

After all, that’s how we solved the last decade-long stagnation. Today, five years after Lehman Brothers, it’s increasingly clear we need something similar (hopefully not motivated by war) to end this one.

 

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