Why the Rich Want You to Hate Your Union

Stephen Elliott-Buckley        Thursday, December 5th, 2013

Greed is a powerful thing. It motivates the greedy to convince workers that they should hate any efforts to make their work better and reduce the level of abuse and oppression they suffer.

If you’d like a list of why they want us to hate our unions, click through to enjoy this brilliant cartoon.

And while you enjoy this light, graphic representation, remember that the list isn’t exclusive. We can also add in this idea that non-union workers are trained to hate unionized workers who make more money than them. The goal, apparently, is that if you’re suffering with pay below a living wage, inferior benefits and no pension, those pesky union workers should suffer just like you, not that HEY, MAYBE YOU DESERVE A LIVING WAGE, DECENT BENEFITS AND A PENSION ALSO!

The rich, and their corporate media, are trying to break down our solidarity and make us fight each other while our wages have barely budged since the 1970s when you factor in inflation.

That, my dear friends, is how the rich get richer.

Enjoy the comic! Then figure out how to stand up for yourselves, remembering that millions already have your back!

unionize-top-ten-675

Unions plan public fight over federal labour reforms

Canadian Labour Congress says Ottawa ‘declared war’ by pushing changes without consultation

By Trinh Theresa Do, CBC News Posted: Nov 21, 2013 5:00 AM ET

Tony Clement says the labour reforms will "bring savings, streamline practices and bring them in line with other jurisdictions"

Tony Clement says the labour reforms will “bring savings, streamline practices and bring them in line with other jurisdictions”

Tony Clement on public service right to strike 9:51

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In a sign they have all but given up on talks with the Treasury Board over labour reforms proposed in the federal government’s budget bill, union leaders say they are taking matters into their own hands.

The Canadian Labour Congress quietly met with more than 100 representatives from unions across the country this week to plot a long-term strategy to engage both the public and union members in pressuring the government to reverse its proposed labour law changes. The CLC represents more than 3 million workers across the country.

The CLC has already wrapped up a series of television ads that ran over the past six weeks. Its next step is to reach out to each of its own members in a campaign that will detail how reforms in the budget bill will affect their bargaining rights.

And then, according to CLC secretary-treasurer Hassan Yussuff, union members must appeal directly to their MPs.

“They need to, of course, take direct responsibility to how they’re going to start speaking out on behalf of their union, on behalf of themselves,” said Yussuff. “And more importantly, in terms of the gains they have made to ensure this government doesn’t take that away.”

‘Government had declared war on us’

Yussuff said this offensive strategy will become the “new normal” unless policy changes are reversed.

“I think the government had declared war on us,” he said. “We didn’t start any of these measures — the government itself has done so. I think it’s fair for us to respond to their actions.”

If passed, Bill C-4 would make sweeping changes to a number of labour laws, including the Canada Labour Code and Public Service Labour Relations Act.

Among other things, it would streamline collective bargaining by allowing the government to determine which services are essential and make it illegal for those workers to strike. In situations where 80 per cent or more of workers in a bargaining unit are designated essential, the only dispute resolution method is arbitration.

In a statement sent to CBC News, Treasury Board president Tony Clement said the Public Service Labour Relations Act is being amended to ensure that the public service is modern and affordable.

“The proposed amendments will bring savings, streamline practices and bring them in line with other jurisdictions. Our government will sit at a bargaining table on behalf of the taxpayer where the rules are fair and balanced.”

Unions were not consulted in the drafting of the reforms. Labour leaders have since tried to meet with Clement to present counter-proposals, with little success.

Robyn Benson of the Public Service Alliance of Canada recently had a meeting with Clement during which she proposed he withdraw changes from the budget bill to allow for more consultation.

She wrote on her blog afterwards, “He stated bluntly that he had no intention of consulting with us, and that he wanted all his changes in place for the next round of collective bargaining — in fact, by Christmas.”

In response, Clement tweeted, “That’s also the meeting where you claimed co-governance with Parliament. Takes ‘union boss’ to a whole new level.”

No shortage of workers – just a shortage of training

Tue, 11/19/2013 – 10:06
Posted by Andrew Jackson     http://www.broadbentinstitute.ca

Two major recent studies – from Derek Burleton and his colleagues at Toronto-Dominion Bank, and from former senior federal government official Cliff Halliwell published by the Institute for Research on Public Policy – provide excellent overviews of recent developments in the Canadian job market, and an informed framework for thinking about our future skills needs.

This message seems to have finally got through to the Harper government. In a speech to the Vancouver Chamber of Commerce on November 14, Employment and Skills Development Minister Jason Kenney told employers to stop complaining and to stop relying excessively upon temporary workers. Instead, he said, employers should “put more skin in the game” by increasing wages in high-demand occupations and by investing more in the training of Canadians.

The TD and IRPP studies provide balanced overviews of our future skill needs. Neither see generalized shortages as an acute danger, notwithstanding the pending (if increasingly delayed) retirement of the baby boom generation. Indeed, Mr. Halliwell says we should welcome a tighter job market, after years of stagnant real wages for most workers.

Graduates from our postsecondary education system, together with new immigrants, will more or less match job vacancies opening up due to the retirement of highly skilled workers. And employers can be expected to minimize shortages as they emerge by investing in capital and skills so as to raise productivity.

All that said, these studies note that we face some specific skills shortages today in a limited number of occupations and regions, and that some employers may face increasing difficulties finding workers with the right education and skills to fill available jobs in the future.

This can, however, be seen more as an opportunity than a curse, given the significant unemployment and underemployment of today, especially for youth, recent immigrants and aboriginals. The challenge is to invest in skills to increase access to good jobs for Canadians who want to get ahead, and thus to forestall future shortages that might lower our economic potential.

One set of policies that makes sense is to raise the education and skills level of marginalized groups and to ensure that unemployed workers, especially the long-term unemployed, have access to retraining. While Canada has one of the most educated work forces in the world, we have a relatively high proportion of workers with low literacy and numeracy levels, and many recent immigrants need help to upgrade their qualifications.

Programs delivered by the provinces with the support of the federal government address these issues to a degree, although spending is well below the industrial country average. Unfortunately, the federal government proposal to introduce the Canada Jobs Grant will shift some funds away from training the most marginalized workers and toward employer-sponsored training.

Mr. Halliwell argues that our current educational and labour market policies fail the significant proportion of the work force that leaves the educational system with less than a postsecondary qualification and finds relatively low-paying, less-skilled jobs. These workers tend to receive little or no employer training – and are excluded from current government programs.

He suggests that we think about “second chance” programs for this group, to improve their opportunities in the job market later in life and to help fill employer needs for skilled workers.

One option that Mr. Kenney might consider is to give more employed workers access to Employment Insurance (EI) benefits for training leaves, on the model of apprenticeship training. Apprentices qualify for EI benefits when they are away from their regular job for the classroom part of their program.

EI-supported training leaves would allow workers to take a community college or similar training programs – still at some considerable financial sacrifice to themselves, since benefits only replace up to 55 per cent of normal wages and since tuition costs would have to be paid.

Employers could contribute by making sure that a worker could return to the job from which she or he took a leave and, perhaps, by providing a supplementary income if the training program met the needs of their business.

EI-training leaves would empower individual workers to invest in their skills, and help create a higher-skilled work force for the future. Mr. Kenney might consider this option as an alternative to the proposed Canada Jobs Grant, which has won few supporters to date.

This article originally appeared on the Globe & Mail’s Economy Lab.

Photo: Cristiano Betta. Used under a Creative Commons BY 2.0 licence.

Will threat to pull out of Vietnam give more power to corporate lobby?

 

Wednesday, September 11, 2013     http://www.thanhniennews.com

Analysts fear foreign companies could twist policymakers’ arms to ensure their profits get priority over people’s interest

                            Factory workers change shifts at the Thang Long Industrial Park outside of Hanoi. Foreign executives have said Vietnam’s minimum wage hikes and new restrictions on overtime are their major concerns. But consumer advocacy nonprofit groups dismiss such claims, saying foreign companies will always argue that more protections for workers, families, or the environment unfairly harm them and threaten to push them to locate investment elsewhere. PHOTO: BLOOMBERG

To shore up the sagging confidence of foreign investors, Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung has pledged to forge ahead with overhauling Vietnam’s business climate.

Dung’s message came at a recent trade fair in China that brought together regional leaders and foreign investors. At an investment conference in Ho Chi Minh City on August 29, investment officials had also promised to apprise the government about all the difficulties expressed by foreign firms.

The government is in fact working on a circular to guide relevant ministries on simplifying the licensing process and eliminating superfluous formalities (*).

Clearly, in a bid to resuscitate an economy that grew at its slowest rate in 13 years last year, Vietnamese leaders are taking serious note of foreign businesses’ threats to pull out of the country or scale down and go to other countries with a better business climate.

Analysts concede it is reasonable for any government that wants to be seen as business-friendly to consult businesses on issues affecting them.

But with the corporate sector becoming a stakeholder in the lawmaking process in Vietnam in recent years, they raise two important questions: Which laws and in what directions are Vietnamese laws being amended to improve the investment environment? Are the people being taken into confidence and involved in the debate?

“If laws and regulations critical to defending public health, environment, food security, incomes, or rights will be weakened, this is cause for worry and should be challenged,” Shalmali Guttal, a senior researcher at the Bangkok-based NGO Focus on the Global South, says.

“If the Vietnamese government itself is weakening its regulatory regimes in order to attract foreign investment, then there is no point in blaming foreign companies,” she adds, however. 

Corporate benefit vs public health

In June 2012 the National Assembly, Vietnam’s legislature, resisted pressure from the US embassy and American formula companies and amended a law to prohibit the advertising of formula products for children under two. The law had earlier set the age limit at one year.

But it was a close-run thing.

In a letter to Vietnamese lawmakers that was leaked to the media, the US embassy in Hanoi had said: “Several US companies have contacted the US Embassy regarding their serious concerns about this proposed prohibition on advertising of formula milk products, which could have a significant negative impact on their business in Vietnam.

“We ask that the National Assembly fully consider the implications of any changes to the draft [law] and engage in a full decision with affected stakeholders before making any such changes.”

The pressure seemed to have worked, with a lawmaker admitting to Vietweek that the drafters of the bill decided not to table it until as late as the night before the vote.

“But thanks to strong advocacy [by health groups], the house did a U-turn,” he said on condition of anonymity, citing the “sensitivity” of the issue.

Also in June last year the house passed Vietnam’s first comprehensive tobacco control laws, which health groups called a “big win for public health.”

But another lawmaker said the people who drafted the law had come under huge pressure from the tobacco industry.

“So its final text was not as strong as expected,” he said, also declining to be named.

‘Doesn’t make sense’

At the HCMC conference on August 29, Mark Gillin, chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in Vietnam (AmCham), said there should have been “detailed discussion” of the consequences of extending maternity leave from four to six months.

By the time the change took effect in May the government had in fact solicited feedback from foreign business groups for three years. Most of them had wanted it kept at four months.

“The maternity leave provision is not likely to determine an investment decision. [But] businesses feel comfortable investing in places where policies make sense and this one doesn’t,” Gillin told Vietweek.

The United Nations saw it differently, saying the law “will…promote breastfeeding and better safeguard the wellbeing of mothers and children” in Vietnam.

UNICEF has warned of a major decline in breastfeeding rates across East Asia, with the rate of Vietnamese mothers exclusively breastfeeding for the first six months declining to less than 20 percent last year.

According to the General Nutrition Survey, one in every three children in Vietnam is stunted and health experts have said one of the major factors responsible is insufficient exclusive breastfeeding.

Many Vietnamese mothers blame their failure to exclusively breastfeed babies on inadequate maternity leave, saying the need to get back to work forces them to wean their babies early.

UNICEF says there is clear evidence that exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of a baby’s life not only improves their future growth and educational achievements, but also significantly reduces national health costs and helps prevent chronic malnutrition.

“Six months’ maternity leave is very progressive – far more than what we get in the US,” Zachary Abuza, a Washington-based South East Asia analyst, told Vietweek.

“I do not disagree with [the] central premise that economic development does lead to better child’s health overall, but growth has to be sustainable and cannot come at short-term public health costs,” he said.

Legitimate concerns, but whose?

But the analysts also say what Vietnam needs is not more laws but to address its infamously erratic ones. Laws often differ from province to province, paving the way for corruption.

“Vietnam already has enough laws. The bottom line is how we enforce them to ensure transparency and a level playing field [for all investors],” Nguyen Minh Thuyet, an outspoken lawmaker who retired in 2011, said.

At the HCMC conference, Nicola Connolly, deputy chairwoman of the European Chamber of Commerce in Vietnam (EuroCham), said 20 percent of European firms had considered shifting to other Southeast Asian countries, saying they are better business destinations than Vietnam.

She said besides the human resources shortage that bedevils both foreign and local companies, “with the added burden of additional government insurances, trade union fee, and increase in the minimum wage, investors add up all these costs and compare with other countries such as Thailand and Malaysia.

“To invest in Vietnam, companies are weighing up all factors and then deciding if the risk is worth it.”

Other foreign executives had more complaints.

One said businesses were hit this year when the minimum wage was raised. He also slammed new environmental regulations for forcing foreign investors to call off new projects or scale back operations.

Another warned that one more wage hike that is proposed next year could perhaps have the greatest impact on Vietnam’s competitiveness in the near term, adding it needs to be considered “very carefully.”

The Vietnam General Federation of Labor wants the minimum wage hiked by a third next year to cover 75-84 percent of workers’ basic living needs.

The federation expects that to increase next year to VND2.435-4.113 million, and has put two alternative proposals to the National Wage Council – hike the minimum wage by either 24-36 percent or by 21-32 percent.

The minimum wage is now VND1.65-2.35 million (US$78-111.13) a month, depending on the location.

But the average cost of living is estimated to be VND1.928 million for individuals and VND3.278 million for those with children, according to data compiled by the federation.

At the conference, the foreign executives also said new restrictions on overtime are another major concern.

A recent change to the Labor Code reduces the maximum number of hours a worker can do overtime in a year from 400 to 200 – 300.

Foreign investors have demanded that this be increased to 800.

Robert Weissman, president of the Washington-based consumer advocacy nonprofit group Public Citizen, dismisses such claims, saying: “Foreign companies will always argue that more protections for workers, families, or the environment unfairly harm them and threaten to push them to locate investment elsewhere.”

“Vietnam – and all countries – must reject this line of argument, [which] would prevent Vietnam and other countries from ever elevating their living standards,” Weissman says.

At the end of the day, analysts say the corporate sector does not need the Vietnamese government to protect it.

But the other hand, many studies have shown that grassroots people are always ignored in the consultation processes for major projects that take away their lands or damage their environment.

“A lot of preferential polices we roll out for foreign investors have not helped the country or the people much,” Thuyet, the ex-lawmaker, says.

“All corporations try to have laws in their favor, including Vietnamese companies. It is the lawmakers that need to take stock of any laws they are going to vote on.”

Experts warn that Vietnam’s laws could face even more challenges if it becomes a member of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an ambitious free trade agreement also involving the US, Japan, Canada, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei. Washington hopes to wrap up the deal by the end of this year.

“As constructed, the TPP would be a corporate rights agreement,” Weissman says.

“It would also empower foreign companies to directly sue the Vietnamese government before international arbitration panels with no accountability to the Vietnamese people on the grounds that Vietnamese law unfairly interferes with the companies’ expected future profits.”

(*) See relevant story here

Ottawa Turns Its Back on Steelworkers-Op-Ed

Aug 23, 2013    http://www.thespec.com   https://i0.wp.com/www.thespec.com/Portals/9/Images/logo.png

U.S. Steel’s destructive agenda is tacitly condoned by Harper government

By Marty Warren, Ontario Director of the United Steelworkers

For the second time in three years, 1,000 families in Nanticoke and surrounding communities face an uncertain future, targeted again by a deliberate attack on working-class living standards achieved over generations of struggle in Canada.

U.S. Steel’s lockout of employees at the Lake Erie Works steel mill — now in its 17th week — reflects the impunity foreign multinationals enjoy to slash Canadian jobs and drive down wages, benefits and working conditions.

U.S. Steel, in particular, has ample reason to believe it has the tacit consent of Stephen Harper’s Conservative government to run roughshod over Canadian working families.

In 2007, the Harper Conservatives approved U.S. Steel’s takeover of Canadian steelmaker Stelco. The deal included legally binding commitments from U.S. Steel to maintain production levels and a 3,100-strong workforce at former Stelco operations.

Time after time, the Harper Conservatives have demonstrated they stand with giant multinationals that abuse their dominant economic power.

U.S. Steel broke those legally binding commitments, with devastating results for working families and pensioners whose combined losses ran into tens of millions of dollars.

“(Their) working lives, retirement and income security have been seriously and adversely affected,” a Federal Court judge stated in 2011 after legal proceedings were launched against U.S. Steel.

The legal action was brought against U.S. Steel under terms of the Investment Canada Act, which dictates foreign takeovers must provide a “net benefit” to Canadians.

The government’s case against U.S. Steel included expert analysis that concluded the company knew full well the implications of its legal commitments. Even in the midst of the recession, fulfilling those promises “would not have threatened the financial viability” of the company, the analysis concluded.

However, rather than enforce the law and hold U.S. Steel accountable, the Harper government struck a secret deal that abruptly ended the court case. Promises of jobs and healthy production levels were abandoned. Workers, pensioners and communities devastated by U.S. Steel’s behaviour were denied their day in court.

With a nudge and a wink from our federal government, U.S. Steel was free to continue its onslaught against Canadian employees and pensioners.

U.S. Steel has now followed the same transparent, destructive pattern in three successive rounds of contract negotiations with former Stelco employees — twice at Lake Erie Works and once at Hamilton’s Hilton Works.

In each case, U.S. Steel has betrayed even the pretense of attempting to negotiate a fair deal for Canadian employees. The agenda has been to abuse the full force of its corporate power and resources to impose its will — under threat of arbitrary, lengthy shutdowns.

In each instance the workers refused to be provoked into a strike. To their credit, they proposed to keep operating their plants while pursuing a settlement through good-faith negotiations aided by government mediation.

U.S. Steel’s agenda dictated otherwise. It locked out Lake Erie Works employees for eight months in 2009-2010, then imposed an 11-month lockout in Hamilton in 2010-2011.

In April of this year, with carte blanche from the federal and Ontario governments to do as it pleases, U.S. Steel locked out Lake Erie Works employees for a second time. Four months later, the community’s largest employer remains shut down.

The locked-out employees, members of United Steelworkers Local 8782, remain committed to negotiating a fair collective agreement and are eager to get back to work.

They have received tremendous support within and outside their community, from like-minded Canadians who understand the need to resist a relentless and orchestrated assault on our middle class.

The workers, their families and supporters will continue to fight the good fight. However, it is beyond shameful that they don’t have their government on their side.

Time after time, the Harper Conservatives have demonstrated they stand with giant multinationals that abuse their dominant economic power to drive down our working and living standards and eliminate good jobs. It is part and parcel of the Conservatives’ low-wage economic strategy for our country.

Earlier this year, without meaningful public debate or consultation, the Harper government decided to arbitrarily amend the Investment Canada Act, folding the changes into its latest omnibus budget bill.

The Conservatives’ changes weaken the Act. They allow for more foreign takeovers to be rubber-stamped. Secret deals will remain the norm. Neither the government nor multinational corporations will be required to consult with, or be accountable to, the Canadian families and communities directly affected by foreign takeovers.

It has never been clearer that only a change in government can reverse this disgraceful trend.