C.D. Howe Institute Ignores Needs of Canada Post Users

 

http://www.cupw.ca    August 9, 2013

OTTAWA –The Canadian Union of Postal Workers is dismayed the C.D. Howe Institute’s e‑brief on postal reform offers only tired ideas for Canada Post that would result in service cutbacks.

Denis Lemelin, CUPW National President asks, “Why doesn’t it occur to this prominent private-sector-oriented think-tank that Canada Post should raise new revenue? Other postal administrations are bringing in expanded services, and staying viable by doing so. Why is the C.D. Howe Institute so short on innovation?”

Postal services globally are facing the same challenges. Postal operators in France, Italy, New Zealand and Brazil have responded by expanding into banking and financial services. PostFinance, Swiss Post’s postal banking and financial services arm, actually generated 71% of the company’s operating results in 2012.

The e-brief, “How Ottawa Can Deliver A Reformed Canada Post,” released August 8 by the C.D. Howe Institute, advocates an approach that likely leads to service cuts and government subsidization. It recommends contracting out, privatization, and tampering with the universal service obligation (USO) that ensures lettermail delivery to and from anywhere in the country for a single price.

“The C.D. Howe institute was making the same case for deregulation and privatization in 2007, while Canada Post was making profits” says Gayle Bossenberry, CUPW 1st National Vice‑President. “These are tired old ideas, not viable solutions for a valuable public service.

Furthermore, the public is clearly against this approach. Recent Strategic Communications poll results (May 2013) show that 71% of the general population opposes deregulating or privatizing postal services, even more so (88%) if it would mean the end of one-price-goes-anywhere service for the cost of a stamp. The C.D. Howe report does not value universal postal service, but the customers – the owners of Canada Post – clearly do.

Canada needs a jobs and training strategy: Georgetti comments on disappointing July job numbers

 
Friday, 9 August 2013

 

OTTAWA ― The President of the Canadian Labour Congress says that the job numbers for July are a big disappointment and he is calling on the federal government and employers to invest in both job creation and training.  

“Our economy lost 39,400 jobs in July and the unemployment rate is up. This is a wakeup call and we want governments and private sector employers to invest in job creation and training. 

Georgetti was commenting on the release by Statistics Canada of its Labour Force Survey for July 2013. There were 1,380,300 unemployed Canadians in July and the overall unemployment rate was 7.2%. In the 15-to-24 age group, unemployment stood at 13.9%, and 47.9% of young workers are employed only part-time.

Georgetti says that the federal government should assist in creating good jobs by participating in a long-term program to replace and extend Canada’s ageing physical and social infrastructure in roads, rapid transit and child care. “We have cement chunks falling off of bridges and tractors falling into city sinkholes. There is a lot to be done and the government should get at it.”

He adds that Ottawa has provided billions in corporate tax giveaways in the expectation that companies would invest in job creation and training. “Our research has shown that those companies are generally sitting on the cash instead of investing it in job creation and training. It’s high time for them to put that money to  work in the economy.” 

Quick Analysis from CLC Chief Economist Sylvain Schetagne

Government austerity measures and job cuts hurt employment growth in Canada in July 2013. The number of people working decreased significantly by 39,400 in July 2013, and another 14,200 simply quit looking for work and left the labour market. As a result, the unemployment rate rose 0.1% to 7.2% and the percentage of the population working decreased (from 61.9% to 61.7%). Jobs were lost mainly in the public sector, with 74,000 fewer jobs in this sector as a result of declines in health care and social assistance (-47,000) and public administration (-22,900). Growth did occur in the private sector but the number of jobs in manufacturing remains lower than a year ago in July (-59,500). Young workers were hard hit in July. Compared to the previous month, there was decrease of 45,600 jobs among workers aged 15-24, while another 48,800 left the labour market. As a result, their unemployment rate is 13.9%, up from 0.1% from last month.

The Canadian Labour Congress, the national voice of the labour movement, represents 3.3 million Canadian workers. The CLC brings together Canada’s national and international unions along with the provincial and territorial federations of labour and 130 district labour councils.

Web site: www.canadianlabour.ca
Follow us on Twitter @CanadianLabour

Contacts:  Sylvain Schetagne, CLC Chief Economist, 613-526-7445.
Dennis Gruending, CLC Communications: Tel. 613-526-7431.
Cell-text: 613-878-6040. Email: dgruending@clc-ctc.ca

The middle class: The battleground of all politicians

Monia MazighBy Monia Mazigh August 9, 2013 http://rabble.ca

Photo: Peter Klein/flickr

In the U.S., the “M” word has been on the lips of politicians from the left to the right of the political spectrum, albeit for different reasons. President Obama is not an exception. Indeed, he made the mention of the middle-class part of his electoral rhetoric immediately after the 2008 financial crisis and after hundreds of thousands of Americans lost their houses, their American dream.

Last February, in his State of the Union address, Obama declared it was “our generation’s task” to “reignite the true engine of America’s economic growth — a rising, thriving middle class.” A few days ago, on August 5, he spoke in a gathering and he again pondered the same message, to “secure a better bargain for the middle class.” Whether we agree with Obama’s plan to revive the middle class or not, one must admit that he has been quite explicit about it. It includes measures affecting child care, dependent care, college expenses and retirement savings.

Here in Canada, Justin Trudeau is on the footsteps of Mr. Obama and his talk is all about the middle class. The only difference is that we don’t have any idea how Justin Trudeau is going to tackle the middle-class issue. Is he going to continue to give free rides to corporations as both Liberal and Conservative governments did in the past, or will he be offering a real program with fiscal and economic measures specifically targeted to the fading middle class? (Even though a lot of words are being said about the new Liberal star candidate in Toronto Centre and how her book might make up the next platform for the Liberal Party campaign). Or is he only interested in the votes of this class and then will turn his back and continue to help the big corporations instead?

But in reality, do we still have a “real” middle class? Where does the political opportunism start and where does the economic reality end?

In the last two decades, generations of politicians watched the erosion and the crushing of the middle class. Some denounced the situation and stood by their principles but many nodded and acquiesced to all the economic and social measures making the poor poorer and the rich richer, effectively shrinking the middle class.

According to a report prepared by Canadian bureaucrats and presented to Finance Minister Jim Flaherty, and recently released by Postmedia, Canada’s middle class improved its average income only by seven per cent between 1976 and 2010. This is equivalent to 0.2 per cent per year. The median income of this class did not do better. From 2007 to 2011, it grew from $66,700 to $68,000, a mere 0.5 per cent per year.

This assessment is confirmed by another report that was prepared by TD Bank. The report documents the fact that low-wage and middle-wage jobs in Canada have been shrinking as a share of the economy as job growth focuses more and more on high-skilled, high-end jobs. Meanwhile, the spending by the middle class didn’t decrease. To the contrary, it continued to increase and the funding comes from the larger amount of debt Canadian families are contracting from the banks and other financial institutions, making the Canadian household one of the most indebted in the OECD countries with a debt-ratio of around 161 per cent for the first quarter of 2013. 

Mark Carney, the former governor of the Bank of Canada, never missed an opportunity to speak against the high amount of debt that is contracted by Canadians. The government never raised an eyebrow (until they changed the rules for mortgages). They barely reacted to the horrifying numbers of children who now live in poverty. Canada’s child poverty rate increased between the mid-1990s and the late 2000s. These are not only children born to single parents of low-income families but also to working parents who can’t make enough annual earnings to afford all the basic necessities for their families. The Conference Board of Canada reported that Canada scores a “C” grade and ranks 15th out of 17 peer countries. Moreover, more than one in seven Canadian children live in poverty.

Last July, the city of Detroit in the U.S., where the middle class was first formed by the autoworkers and later by public employers running city services, went bankrupt. The fall of the auto industry, the cuts to public funds, the fiscal structure of the American government and many other socio-economic factors took Detroit to the cliff; it was forced close shop. It is interesting nowadays to watch the Conservative government trying so hard to dismantle the unions in Canada and to slash thousands of jobs in the public sector. Yes, it would be both stretched out and simplistic to draw similarities between Detroit and the path Canada is following. Nevertheless, it is crucial to study the effects of recent public sector cuts and their impacts on the Canadian middle class, and the state of our economy in general.

The middle class today is like a beautiful woman, desired and solicited by everyone but insidiously feared and despised by all. The politicians are no exception.

Monia Mazigh was born and raised in Tunisia and immigrated to Canada in 1991. Mazigh was catapulted onto the public stage in 2002 when her husband, Maher Arar, was deported to Syria where he was tortured and held without charge for over a year. She campaigned tirelessly for his release. Mazigh holds a PhD in finance from McGill University. In 2008, she published a memoir, Hope and Despair, about her pursuit of justice, and in 2011, a novel in French, Miroirs et mirages.

Photo: Peter Klein/flickr

How Harper set the developed world on a course to austerity

Linda McQuaig    By Linda McQuaig      http://rabble.ca

July 30, 2013

Photo: Remy Steinegger/World Economic Forum/flickr

In June 2010, the transformation of the city’s downtown core into a pseudo war zone seemed like the worst aspect of the Harper government’s handling of the G20 summit in Toronto.

But perhaps just as insidious was Stephen Harper’s personal role at that summit in pushing the developed world to abandon stimulus spending and veer sharply toward austerity.

That embrace of austerity has led to deep government spending cuts, with devastating consequences, particularly in some southern European nations. Canadians have suffered, too.

Harper likes to boast that he’s shepherded the Canadian economy to a full recovery from the 2008 crash — even though 1.4 million Canadians remain unemployed. Our employment rate is stuck at 61.9 per cent, down from 63.8 per cent just before the crash, notes Jim Stanford, economist for the Canadian Auto Workers.

This explains Canada’s poor ranking in a recent OECD Employment Outlook report, where Canada ranks 20th out of 34 nations.

Similarly, Canada’s Parliamentary Budget Office estimated last fall that Ottawa’s spending reductions will cost Canada approximately 125,000 jobs in 2016 . (Reports like that angered the Harper government, which last spring ended Parliamentary Budget Officer Kevin Page’s impressive stint in the watchdog job.)

The embrace of austerity at the 2010 Toronto summit was a dramatic reversal of the stimulus spending that the world’s rich nations had quite effectively adopted to counter the devastating 2008 financial crash — in line with the lessons taught by the great 20th century British economist John Maynard Keynes.

Keynes argued that, when businesses are unwilling to invest during a major downturn, the only solution is for governments to invest, and on a massive scale. This insight sharply contradicted the dogma of austerity that prevailed after the 1929 crash, prolonging the 1930s Depression. Although fiercely resisted, Keynes’ insight was eventually accepted.

But right-wing economists, including Stephen Harper, have long bristled at Keynesianism — with its important role for government — and opposed its revival after the 2008 crash. (The minority Harper government only introduced a stimulus package in Canada because the opposition threatened to topple it otherwise.)

By early 2010, Keynesianism was losing ground on the international scene. But it was the G20 summit in Toronto later that year which “above all” resulted in the world’s rich nations changing course and embracing austerity, according to a recent article by British financial journalist Martin Wolf in the New York Review of Books.

Harper played a key role in that lamentable change of direction. At his urging, the G20 nations agreed to commit themselves to halve their deficits by 2013 — a draconian approach that returned the developed world to obsessing about deficits and ignoring unemployment.

(Ironically, the high unemployment produced by austerity reduces tax revenues and increases social spending, making deficit-reduction difficult. Much to its embarrassment, the Harper government has had to revise its deficit estimates upward. So far this year, Canada’s deficit is rising, not falling.)

But the fixation on deficits, which has dominated public discourse for much of the last 30 years, has helped divert attention from the fact that austerity is part of a larger agenda (including tax cuts and privatization) that’s redistributed money toward the top.

While members of the public are guilted into believing they’re living beyond their means and must tighten their belts, they’ve been distracted from noticing the transfer of income and wealth to the rich.

Thaddeus Hwong, a professor of tax policy at York University, has calculated just how much inequality has increased in Canada.

Using the model developed by University of California professor Emmanel Sáez, one of the world’s leading experts in income inequality, Hwong found that between 1982 and 2010, the top-earning 1 per cent of Canadians captured fully 60.3 per cent of all the income growth in Canada.

That was even more dramatic than the U.S., where the top 1 per cent captured 59.6 per cent of income growth in the same period. This highlights that, while inequality is more extreme in the U.S., it is growing faster in Canada.

But with all those deficits to obsess about, who’s noticing the rich, slightly offstage, quietly getting richer.

Linda McQuaig is author, with Neil Brooks, of The Trouble with Billionaires: How the Super-Rich Hijacked the World and How We Can Take It Back. This article was first published in the Toronto Star.

Photo: Remy Steinegger/World Economic Forum/flickr